Two columns, each with
some good light in them, came out in this recent month,
their positive notes helping to draw the year 2006 to a
close – a year that could well use some light for us
Americans, so otherwise paying for mistake after mistake
that our delusional leaders have mired us in abroad.
In The New Yorker of December 18, George Packer
had the first of these two columns, "Knowing the Enemy:
Can social scientists redefine the 'war on terror'?"
Packer had been interviewing widely for his own agonies
at the arrogance, blundering, and lies that have
characterized our invasion of Iraq. This, after his
hopes in 2003, when he'd enthused over intervention in
the Middle East. Then he'd had to write his 2005
book on how it all went so wrong, Assassins' Gate:
Americans in Iraq.
A new, key source of
wisdom, he now recounts – for not only our Iraqi
quagmire, but all our foreign policy – came with
locating David Kilcullen, an Australian who has recently
served as chief strategist in the counterterrorism
office of the U.S. Department of State. Kilcullen got
his wisdom years earlier when, as an officer in the
Australian army, he was studying how governments
successfully fight counterinsurgency movements – in
particular how the Indonesian government achieved its
success over such a movement in West Java. Kilcullen
learned to see any fight with counterinsurgency "not
primarily as a blunt military struggle but as a subtle
propaganda war that required deep knowledge of diverse
enemies and civilian populations."
The United States, by huge contrast, has not made
anything like a commitment to knowing our purported
enemies or understanding the civilian populations we
have invaded and occupied. In Iraq, for instance, of
the 1,000 American personnel assigned to the
heavily-fortified and secluded Baghdad governing center
called The Green Zone, only six speak Arabic. In his
New Yorker piece, Packer discusses more instances of
our leaders' failures that have come from
too-exclusively relying on military might. He quotes
"James Kunder, a former marine and the acting deputy of
the U.S. Agency for International Development," who
"pointed out that in Iraq and Afghanistan 'the civilian
agencies have received 1.4 per cent of the total money,'
whereas classical counterinsurgency doctrine says that
eighty per cent of the effort should be nonmilitary."
To some extent, Packer's article teeters to the
negative, as when he says "In the information war,
America and its allies are barely competing. America's
information operations, far from being the primary
strategy, simply support military actions, and often
badly."
He seems negative, too, when he lists further
characteristics of an American people who, apart from
our leaders' delusions, do not seem at all ready to
subsidize the hegemony of the world for the sake of our
corporate rich. "American society," he writes is one:
◊ |
in
which few people spend much time overseas or
learn a second language; |
◊ |
which
is impatient with chronic problems; |
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whose
vision of war is of huge air and armor
battles ended by the signing of articles of
surrender; |
◊ |
which
tends to assume that everyone is basically
alike. |
Perhaps Packer's key
wisdom here resides in the last item in his list. He
knows that, contrary to the "have-a-nice-day!"
banalities we cheery Americans like to feign, others
around the world are not so "basically alike." Peoples
vary widely. "They" – if not us – have capabilities
according largely to their cultures: from their land
and the shapes they give it, from the food they nurture
on it, the buildings and transport whereon they utilize
it, and the clothing variously apt for it. Packer had
originally known this from another context, as described
in his memoir of six years earlier, Blood of the
Liberals – his Farrar, Straus & Giroux-published
account of his own family's longstanding, reform-minded
ties to the land and history of his native Alabama.
Blood of the Liberals
describes Packer's becoming attuned to both local and
national history. His December 18 article in The New
Yorker goes further, indicating his yet-growing
sensitivity to how people anywhere in the world exhibit
their history and culture. Kilcullen helped to teach
him this. Another did, too – an anthropologist named
Montgomery McFate. She, McFate, had learned how key any
society's cultural instruments are, starting with her
girlhood growing up on a houseboat in San Francisco
Bay's Marin County, where she had a unique
counter-culture perspective on America's larger culture
of corporate marketing and advertising. She learned
cultural depths further as a young adult in Northern
Ireland, where she could see the militarized conflict
there from inside the cultures of both Irish Roman
Catholics and English Protestants. She learned, as her
fellow Americans seldom do, how most in the world live
at once both limited and enabled by their cultures.
Packer shows how Kilcullen learned this. Vexed by our
leaders' total blindness to how we affect other
cultures, he adds that "McFate discovered something very
like what Kilcullen found in West Java: insurgency
runs in families and social networks, held together by
persistent cultural narratives."
A second column near the end of 2006 also
shed some good light on our readiness to see "others" –
especially to see into lands whose narratives can sink,
and have sunk, into horrors normally unfathomable to
us. On December 27 >San Francisco Chronicle
editorial writer Louis Freedberg wrote of an
organization helping to arrange teaching to see this.
This organization, Facing History and Ourselves,
has training programs and materials nationwide.
Freedberg interviewed many involved in its teaching
efforts, from its Bay area director, Jack Weinstein, to
classroom visits Freedberg also made locally.
His column, "Genocide
in the Classroom," described Freedberg's own particular
pleasure in seeing teachers and students taking on the
imaginative challenge that, with Darfur still roiling in
its currently-blatant genocide, and recent genocides in
Rwanda and Bosnia, evidently is a challenge that is not
going away.
In one high school, in
San Francisco, he saw ninth graders presenting memorial
projects they'd put together through the then-concluding
fall semester to make tactile the horrific experiences
of WWII Jews and others. At a high school in
Pleasanton, in the interstate highway corridor southeast
of San Francisco, heading towards the Central Valley, he
saw yet another project in which the students had been
engaged, and saw them yet discussing texts they had been
reading.
Freedberg enthused
over the literally hundreds of projects Facing
History and Ourselves makes available for
classrooms nationwide – especially, as he wrote, in
light of the conference Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had just finished conducting in Teheran this
recent December. Ahmadinejad is dedicated to denial –
to discounting the WWII Holocaust upon the Jews. The
work of all these teachers and students in the San
Francisco Bay area, and in other American classrooms,
seemed good remedy to Freedberg for the pedagogic
nonsense in Iran, and for worse history actually yet
abroad.
But I'm not as sure as Freedberg. Good as the work that Facing History
and Ourselves does – good as are its many
hundreds of classroom projects, booklets, conferences,
textbooks, and seminars – I'm afraid that, as
self-contained curricula, they may all enable but more
comfort zones if they simply recap more varieties of our
normal academic modules. Courses and materials like
this may give everybody some perspective on history, but
– without literacy skills requiring students and
teachers also to acknowledge each other along with the
course material – all may be repeating the same
specialization habits whereby all in corporate academe
withdraw into safe niches. The otherwise good teaching
units may have the words "and ourselves" as part of
their titles, but "ourselves" may reduce to the
basic narcissism and elevation-distancing that key all
Americans' consumerism conceits. Our corporate
advertisers have done well in marketing us into these
conceits – into what we think of as our variety: our
respective consumer demographics. Our corporate
academics have done as well for these same conceits,
divvying us up as they have into their mutually-isolated
specializations.
Can we good Americans
learn to mistrust the niches from which we project our
narcissism on others as if they, too, inhabit narratives
like ours? Or can we acquire the necessary sense
of obligation to be alert for "others" and in
enlarged literacy to quote them. Can we learn how,
even as "others," their stories may connect to some
from among us and our peers – how their nations, their
lands, their economies, their entertainments may also
connect to ours and us in them. Does Facing
History and Ourselves challenge students and
teachers to seek these connections? Or do its
activities repeat the other niche activities that bypass
the literate difficulties of connections for the greater
ease of what Packer, Kilcullen, and McFate feared as our
assumptions "that everyone is basically alike"? |